KATHMANDU, Sept 11: The upheaval triggered by the Gen Z movement on September 8–9, 2025, was unprecedented in Nepal’s recent history. On September 8, police opened fire on protesters, killing 21 people and injuring nearly 2,000. The following day, government buildings, private properties, businesses and the homes of political leaders were torched and vandalised as the death toll rose to 77. The then Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife Arzu Rana Deuba were brutally attacked by an enraged crowd as the KP Sharma Oli government collapsed, and Parliament was dissolved, paving the way for former Chief Justice Sushila Karki to head an interim administration.
The interim government achieved its immediate objectives: restoring political stability and holding elections. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) secured a clear mandate in the March 5 election. The Karki administration also signed a 10-point agreement with Gen Z representatives covering good governance, corruption control, justice for victims, medical care, relief, employment, digital rights and electoral reform. Forty-five victims were recognised as martyrs, 53 affected families received Rs 1.5 million each, and injured protesters were provided treatment at designated facilities. These measures helped address an immediate crisis.
Yet many deeper issues remain unresolved. The March 5 election, which handed the RSP a near two-thirds majority, reshaped Nepal’s political landscape. Established parties were weakened, while a new generation of leaders rose to prominence, largely driven by the popularity of then Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah.
However, Prime Minister Balendra Shah’s government is now facing criticism for failing to change the underlying political culture. Many of the practices that fuelled public frustration appear to persist. The September movement was widely seen as a demand for accountable institutions, employment opportunities, cleaner politics and a more responsive state.
A key question remains: what constitutes success? Toppling a government, forcing elections and changing the composition of Parliament are significant political achievements. But attacking political leaders and their families, burning public buildings, assaulting judges and destroying private property cannot be celebrated as democratic accomplishments. Such acts damaged institutions that citizens depend on and left taxpayers with a reconstruction bill running into tens of billions of rupees.
One year since the uprising, Gen Z’s promises remain unfinished
Since taking office, the Shah administration has inherited the expectations of a restless generation and has shown greater urgency than many previous governments in addressing public concerns. Yet urgency alone does not amount to reform.
Progress on corruption remains limited. A commission was formed to investigate major corruption and property-related cases, but its work was stalled by a Supreme Court interim order after questions were raised about its legal and constitutional basis. If major corruption cases continue to disappear into commissions, investigations and legal disputes, public confidence in accountability will erode further.
Employment remains an even bigger challenge. Large numbers of young Nepalis continue to leave the country because opportunities at home remain scarce. No political transformation can be considered complete while migration remains the most attractive option for many young people.
The government is also facing scrutiny over allegations of nepotism and the conduct of some advisers and officials. Claims that certain advisers have overstepped their authority have raised concerns that the new political order may be adopting the same habits it promised to end. At the same time, Shah deserves credit for one notable distinction: unlike many previous governments, his administration has so far avoided direct ministerial involvement in abuses of power. Despite criticism of some aides, the Prime Minister has largely maintained an image of personal integrity. However, his working style, frequent absence from Parliament and reluctance to face lawmakers’ questions remain points of concern.
The government has been in office for only seven months, during which Nepal suffered catastrophic losses from the devastating Bhotekoshi flood. The disaster exposed weaknesses in coordination, rescue capacity and infrastructure preparedness. Roads remained blocked for more than two weeks, while damaged bridges, hydropower projects and other infrastructure disrupted relief efforts and trade. A government that promises a more capable state must prove itself most clearly during times of crisis.
Then there is the unresolved question of September 9. Leaders including KP Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal and former President Bidya Devi Bhandari have called for an impartial investigation into allegations that outside elements infiltrated what began as a peaceful protest and turned it violent. Their concerns should not be dismissed. The deaths of September 8 and the arson and destruction of September 9 require an independent, credible and transparent investigation. The truth behind the violence must emerge, and justice must be delivered.
It is also noteworthy that neither the Sushila Karki-led interim government nor the current administration has made public the report prepared by Gauri Bahadur Karki, which reportedly recommends action against individuals involved in the unrest. Meanwhile, a separate report by the National Human Rights Commission, which implicates several prominent figures, including lawmakers, in acts of arson and vandalism, has increased pressure on the government.
A year later, one visible sign of failure is the slow pace of reconstruction. Several government buildings damaged during the protests remain in ruins, while others await rebuilding because of funding shortages and delays in budget approval. The movement transformed the political landscape almost overnight, but repairing the damage it caused has been far slower.
There is little doubt that the Gen Z movement succeeded in reshaping Nepal’s political order. It propelled relatively weaker forces such as the RSP to the centre of national politics, accelerated generational change and intensified public debate on governance, accountability and corruption.
Yet it has fallen short in other crucial areas. Nepal still lacks a system that can generate sufficient employment, effectively curb corruption, respond competently to disasters and treat dissent as a democratic right rather than a threat.
The first year of the Gen Z movement delivered political change. The next test—for both the government and the generation that drove the movement—is whether that change can be translated into lasting institutional reform. Ultimately, that will be the true measure of the movement’s success.
