The Parliament is now fully structured after all 12 parliamentary committees received their chairs. On paper, the formation of these House panels appears complete after months of uncertainty. Their establishment now seems normal. However, making them function in a vibrant manner is the harder part, as it requires effective leadership, clear communication, and active participation from all members involved. Begin with the fundamentals. With 182 MPs, the Rastriya Swatantra Party now holds a commanding majority in the House of Representatives as well as in these committees. The House currently has two joint committees and ten thematic committees. Eleven of the twelve chair positions were secured by the ruling party; the Public Accounts Committee was the only one that went to the opposition. On paper, this gives the government significant authority over both monitoring and legislation. It can facilitate quicker decision-making and the advancement of reforms. Expectations have risen as a result of early policy signals. Education, health, energy, infrastructure, and employment are all included in the government’s 100-point priority plan. Alongside this is an 18-point national commitment drawn from several party pledges. It appears to be a well-organised list of issues the state should have addressed long ago. There is very little room for excuses this time.
Parliament prepares to elect chairpersons of parliamentary comm...
These House bodies, however, must not function as ornamental panels. There is a reason they are often referred to as miniature parliaments. They consult experts, question ministers, review laws line by line, and monitor whether policies are being implemented. A robust committee structure can transform broad commitments into practical legislation; a weak one turns Parliament into a platform for speeches. This time, the composition suggests a shift. Many of these committees are now led by younger legislators. That is both a test and a source of energy. Legislative expertise does not always follow from campaign slogans. If these chairs work across party lines, as several have pledged, the committees could become the engine room of reform. If they merely follow party directives, the system risks becoming effective at passing laws but ineffective at scrutinising them. The government has already taken steps on asset verification of public officials, anti-corruption investigations, and efforts to reduce bureaucratic delays. These moves have drawn attention. Announcements, however, do not guarantee results. Committees must now monitor these reforms, set deadlines, and ask difficult questions. Oversight is not betrayal; it is the duty of a legislature, especially one with a near two-thirds majority, where the line between control and governance can easily blur.
Meanwhile, the accountability system will weaken if these committees act merely as government mouthpieces. That would defeat the purpose of this political reset, particularly when the government has set an agenda focused on governance and a corruption-free society from the outset. Now that the committees are in place, their work must be expedited. The government must move towards implementing the 100-point agenda while breaking down the 18-point commitment into actionable goals. It would be prudent to allow committees to summon ministries, request updates, and publish findings. Maintaining transparency in their proceedings so the public can track progress is equally essential. The country needs delivery. The system is now ready to move forward and achieve these goals. Ultimately, those in government must remember that if these 12 House committees do not function independently, it will erode the principle of checks and balances. As parliamentary experts note, everything now hinges on how seriously these committees carry out their responsibilities.